We cannot possibly impose wars and claim to be concerned about human rights! We cannot claim high moral ground while closing our eyes to flagrant abuse of human rights against the most defenceless among us!
I CALL ON LGBT COMMUNITY TO RAISE ITS VOICE AGAINST RECKLESS WARS THAT HAVE NEVER BEEN, NEVER ARE AND WILL NEVER BE EXCUSABLE BY “HUMAN RIGHTS”. OUR QUEST FOR JUSTICE AND EQUALITY WILL BE SUCCESSFUL ONLY IF WE FIGHT FOR IT TOGETHER WITH ALL OTHERS FIGHTING FOR JUSTICE AND EQUALITY. OTHERWISE WE ARE FIGHTING LOSING BATTLE.
by Justin Raimondo, September 23, 2015
Why are we shocked by the practice of boy rape in Afghanistan – when we put the rapists in power?
The rape of young boys in Afghanistan by our “allies” is getting a lot of press attentionthese days, provoked by the revelation that US military personnel who tried to stop it are being disciplined for interfering. Two US officers apparently beat up one of our pet warlords, who insisted on keeping a boy chained to his bed as a sex slave: this kind of rough justice got one relieved of his command and the other is being forced to retire.
The US military denies ordering its personnel to look the other way, but this is a lie: why else would they be discharging one of the Special Forces soldiers who beat up that Afghan commander? If he didn’t disobey orders to ignore the practice then on what grounds are they forcing him out?
Writing in National Review, Mark Krikorian fulminates:
“While punishing our soldiers for roughing up pedophile rapists is outrageous, the general policy that “allegations of child sexual abuse by Afghan military or police personnel would be a matter of domestic Afghan criminal law” (in the words of an Army spokesman) is unavoidable given our policy of semi-colonization. If it were up to me, we’d wash our hands of Afghanistan, making clear that if the Taliban (or whichever armed gang manages to take power) makes the mistake of again serving as a safe haven and training ground for people planning to attack the United States, we’ll come back and kill a bunch of them again. But that until that day, and that day may never come, they’re on their own and are free to go on raping their children, if that’s what their primitive and barbarous culture calls for.”
Krikorian goes on to pose another alternative: go all out and “simply colonize the place.” While he acknowledges this isn’t going to happen – after all, “that’s never worked out well in Afghanistan” – “it would have the advantage of allowing us to impose our (objectively superior) standards on them.” Citing the example of the British suppression of suttee in India, the practice of burning Indian women on their husbands’ funeral pyres, he concludes with a slap at “semi-colonization,” which he says “is forcing us to tolerate the depraved norms of this savage culture without any authority to change them.”
A word about those “objectively superior standards”: Krikorian has it exactly backwards regarding who imposed what standards on whom. While the inversion of truth may not be unusual for National Review writers, it’s particularly egregious in this case because, as I pointed out here – way back in 2002 – it was outrage at the prevalence of boy rape that brought the Taliban to power in the first place.
It was the winter of 1994, and in the southern city of Kandahar two warlords were at each other’s throats. The issue: who would get to rape a boy desired by both of them. In the gun battle that followed, several bystanders were killed, and the villagers appealed to Mullah Omar, leader of the nascent Taliban, who freed the boy and restored order.
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The filthy culture of bacha bazi in Afghanistan
Afghans call this revolting act bacha bazi, and it is exactly what it sounds like. Young boys usually ostracised from villages by their families because they were attacked by a paedophile, wearing flowing colourful outfits clad in bells, dancing in seedy places for older turban wearing bearded Afghan men, only to be sexually assaulted after the contemptible night takes a drug and alcohol fuelled turn.
The Guardian stated,
“Dressed in a flowing shirt and long, red skirt, with sherwal pants beneath and small silver bells fastened to hands and feet, the dancer stepped across the floor, face hidden behind a red scarf. The bells chimed with the movement, the skirt brushing past the watching men who stretched out their hands to touch it. The sitar player sang loudly, a love song about betrayal. The dancer twisted and sang hoarsely with him, arms thrown high above a lean, muscular body, moving faster and faster until finally the scarf dropped, revealing a handsome young man’s face with traces of a moustache and beard. One of the men quickly grabbed the scarf and started sniffing it.
In an adjacent room, 16-year-old Mustafa was preparing to dance next. His owner opened a small bundle of clothes and produced a long, blue skirt, crimson shirt, leather straps and bells. Mustafa stood on a table and nervously smoked a cigarette. Holding his thin arms over his head, he allowed two bearded, turbaned men, giggling and laughing, to dress him like a doll. One combed his long hair, and invited the other to have the “honour” of wrapping the straps around his hands and feet.”
It was also depicted in Khaled Hosseini’s novel, The Kite Runner, where a boy is sold as a sexual slave to a member of the Taliban. But Khaled Hosseini had it wrong. Heinous as the Taliban’s cruel government had been, they actually abhorred child sex abuse. The militant group despised the act of bacha bazi, executing any Afghan found to have abused young boys.
The Washington Post stated,
“Like it or not, there was better rule of law under the Taliban, said Dee Brillenburg Wurth, a child-protection expert at the UN mission in Afghanistan, who has sought to persuade the government to address the problem. They saw it as a sin, and they stopped a lot of it.”
Now, with the Taliban gone, bacha bazi is once again flourishing in Afghanistan, from remote villages to teeming cities such as Kabul.
“Under Taliban rule, it was banned, but it has crept back and is now widespread, flourishing also in the cities, including the capital, Kabul, and a common feature of weddings, especially in the north. The bacha dancers are often abused children whose families have rejected them. Their ‘owners’ or ‘masters’ can be single or married men, who keep them in a form of sexual slavery, as concubines.”
For some, owning a bacha as a sex slave is a status symbol. Those who can’t afford it, buy CDs and DVDs of bacha bazi from the market. Others in the Kabul chai (tea) houses watch videos of dancing bachas.
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